While cash-strapped OECD nations make every effort to extract ever-greater
amounts of tax from their citizens, other jurisdictions have preferred to attract
business and investment through offering low-tax regimes. Their success has
driven the OECD, the EU and other multinational groupings into aggressive moves
to restrict their freedom to compete, often cloaked in the moral imperatives
of anti money-laundering, terrorist financing and tax fraud. On the whole, the
low-tax territories have defended themselves, if at all, with a mixture of complaisance
and bloody-mindedness; but the verdict has to be that they haven't succeeded
in gaining either a moral or a practical ascendancy over their tormentors. Some
players, however, have gone further, and are developing a legally-based challenge
to the strong-arming tactics of the fat-cat nations.
Prominent among the legal mechanics is Dr. Gilbert NMO Morris of The Landfall
Centre for Finance, Trade & International Affairs in the Bahamas. Last week,
Dr Morris expressed support for the British Protectorate Territories - Cayman,
Turks & Caicos and The Virgin (BVI) Islands, Andorra, Montserrat and Anguilla
- in their efforts to resist British demands that they submit to the EU Savings
Tax Directive. Dr. Morris said: "Recently, the US rejected participation
in the EU scheme, which suggests its demise. However, EU officials, through
Britain are attempting to force the protectorate territories to capitulate in
order to regain momentum. The strategy is quite risky."
"The EU-British approach must be observed and examined with some concern",
said Dr. Morris. "It appears that since they could not get America or Switzerland
to go along, and could not convince Liechtenstein or Monaco to comply, they
have opted for "soft targets" to strengthen their lonely efforts against
Switzerland. Britain itself may be acting under a need to show solidarity with
its EU partners, given its independence on monetary union and so forth".
Mr. McKeeva Bush, the Cayman political leader has said that he and his colleagues
are resolved to go to the European or International Court of Justice. Asked
about their chances Dr. Morris said: "My colleagues and I have put this
suggestion more than two and one half years ago. Already, there is a growing
jurisprudence on this question in Canada (See: Law Society of Canada v. The
Attorney General of Canada (2001)) and at the House of Lords (See: R (Morgan
Grenfell & Co Ltd) v Special Commissioner of Income Tax (2002); although
these cases deal specifically with only a portion of the menu of issues, most
notably whether lawyers should be subject to "Know Your Customer"
compliance regimes and the extents of Legal and Professional Privilege.
"We have a case in the Bahamas, The "Glinton-Esfakis Case" in
which the whole of the matter relating to cross-border financial services regulations
and arbitrary
multi-jurisdictionality by international bodies is to be tried," Dr. Morris
said. "I find commonality with the recent comments of Mr. Robert Livingston
that Cayman should look to linking its cause to other nations. However, there
are some technical issues which must be worked out. First, Offshore Financial
Centres must quit asking 'why Switzerland can get away with not complying and
they can't'. That is not the way to defend a principle. Secondly, the UN will
be of little assistance to them, since it is seeking to replace nation states
as a universal tax authority.
"Third, they must fight this not on "unfairness" grounds, but
must see themselves as contributing to a new international jurisprudence. For
instance, in their attempts to show the error of the British imposition against
themselves they should look at the fundamental rights provisions of their constitutions
which are on all fours with the European Convention on Human Rights. Additionally,
they should look at Articles 50 and 52 of the Vienna Convention on Treaties
1969 respecting invalidity of treaty agreement secured by force and finally,
also given their unique status amongst the community of nation-states the territories
should have regard for some of the Australian Cases on national Aboriginal rights
(Nation-within-a-Nation-rights).
"Altogether, these grounds thicken the flimsy unfairness approach and
deals with the matter as a ground breaking question about power and authority
in international relations". Dr. Morris added: "OFCs must discover
that these questions do not deal with their banking sectors alone. We struggle
here for the economic and political philosophy of the future. In fact, the impositions
of the EU may breach Jus Cogens rules at international law, since they go to
the root of the livelihood and culture of the OFCs, and practices which are
still valid even in places such as Britain. I think the obvious way forward
is what I and my colleagues argued four years ago, the OFCs should merge into
a sort an international consortium and self-regulate. And whilst I think the
US position - which my colleagues and I helped to cultivate - is encouraging,
US officials will not design the parameter of defensive action for OFCs. The
grounds of their defense, as well as the substance and political sustainability
must be worked out by themselves."